Left-controlled local governments are very sensitive to this situation: they know that a fair wage is a way for those workers to recover their dignity. These are controlled democracies where the controllers are not themselves subject to any democratic mechanism. Rebuilding the Left offers real hope to those who still believe that we can create a different world. Where is globalisation headed and what will the consequences be? However, its support began to increase when it understood clearly that it had to change its approach, that it had to concern itself with the problems of other oppressed sectors too the homeless and the unemployed, for example , and that it was necessary to make urban dwellers understand that the ght for land was not just the battle of a few peasants but also meant a solution for many urgent problems in the city itself. For Lenin, it was absolutely clear that there is no universal formula. It offers hope to those who believe that we can build a different world.
Essential reading for all those who are trying to revive the left to meet new challenges. This led to two errors which were often interrelated: on the one hand, it was believed that the path toward unity should avoid theoretical debates; on the other there was an exclusive emphasis on practice practicismo which rejected any attempt to theorise about reality. Notes Index 'This book is an illuminating overview of the revolutionary left, particularly in Latin America, and its failings in the second part of the 20th century. We still have a long way to go to nd a solution to the problem of the correct relationship with popular movements. The consensus method appears to be more democratic because it tries to get everyones agreement; but in practice it is sometimes much more anti-democratic, because it grants veto power to a minority, so that in extreme cases a single person can block the implementation of an agreement supported by the overwhelming majority. Each one of these categories is relative.
The high-priority effort stopped being collective action and became parliamentary action or obtaining a presence in the media. And while we are on the subject, I think that in the 1990s there was an excellent example of democratic praxis in Porto Alegre, Brazil. Being radical lies rather in creating spaces where broad sectors can come together and struggle. A constant process of renewal is necessary to keep it. How can Marxism be used to think about environmental and gender problems? It is important that the top leaders learn to listen and that they avoid projecting their preconceived notions when meeting with intermediate and rank-and-le leaders. How would this affect the future of those Latin American governments that are involved in a dispute between forces which really want to change society and forces which believe there is no alternative but to submit to the demands of international nance capital? Nevertheless we must not confuse the rule of law with the rule of the Right. The bureaucratic apparatus and how to contend with itThe legacy512 One of the biggest challenges facing these inexperienced governments is how to bring the bureaucratic apparatus that they inherit under control.
Not so long ago, sound, image and text were separate, the most that had been achieved was to superimpose one on the other, as in the talkies. This is what happens during periods of great social upheaval and revolution. How does the introduction of new technologies into the labour process and into the whole economic process affect the technical and social relations of production and those of distribution and consumption? These too have been thoroughly revolutionised. It was only possible to create the political conditions for the capitalist restructuring that was needed through force-based regimes which dismembered the popular classes and their social and political representatives. Nor can they be populist demagogues, because we are not leading a ock of sheep. A new strategy for the anti-capitalist struggle would make coordination easier124 I think that if, instead, we apply a new strategy of anti-capitalist struggle, we could create conditions more favourable to coordination. According to Jon Elster, the dictatorship of the proletariat is a phrase that has acquired an ominous sense unknown to Marx and his contemporaries.
This can only be orchestrated by a political organisation which is conceived of as an authentic collective intellectual. If the organisation is not capable of responding to these, it could lose its inuence in society. Coercion becomes both determinant and dominant in the supreme crisis, and the army inevitably occupies the front of the stage in any class struggle against the prospect of a real inauguration of socialism. A body to coordinate all the different emancipatory social practices373 The new political organisation should not try to gather to its bosom all the legitimate representatives of struggles for emancipation but should strive to coordinate their practices into a single political project,199 by generating as Helio Gallardo says meeting spaces so that the assorted social groups and their discontents can recognise each other and grow in consciousness and in the specic struggle that each one has to wage in its own area: the neighbourhood, university, school, factory, etcetera. Theres no doubt that today in Latin America the working classs negotiating power has diminished greatly.
After studying with Louis Althusser in Paris she returned to her native Chile, but was forced into exile following the military coup against Salvador Allende's government. What changes have both the working class and the bourgeoisie undergone in an era where knowledge has come to represent a key element in the productive forces? Everyone is against privilege; all want reforms and structural change. We are therefore faced with the challenge of creating educational videos that enable social movements to share experiences and learn from one another. This highly original consultation focused on various topics of interest, which included whether or not the Zapatista organisation should unite with others and form a political front or remain an independent organisation. We have seen that politics is reduced by the former to taking power and destroying the state, and by the latter to administering political power or running the government.
There is strict censorship which selects what the public should or should not know about the war only authorised pictures are published or broadcast. Fragmenting strategy77 And then on top of all this there is the fragmenting strategy of neoliberalism, which knows that a divided society where diverse minority groups are unable to form themselves into a majority which questions the existing hegemony is the most appropriate formula for reproducing the system. On the other hand, quite a few parties whose programmes and speeches also said the dictatorship of the proletariat was their goal did, in fact, defend the cause of democracy in their concrete political struggles. Through the new institutional tasks and enormous difculties they face if they are to implement a programme for an alternative government, they gain experience in a previously unknown area: they learn how the state apparatus works, how it is organised. Today its more a question of unity in diversity, of respect for ethnic, cultural and gender differences and of a sense of belonging to specic collectives. In a world where corruption reigns and, as we saw earlier, political parties and politics in general have become increasingly discredited, it is essential that a Left organisation presents a distinctly different ethical prole; that, in its day-to-day existence, it is capable of practising the values it preaches; that its praxis is consistent with its political discourse, as Ches was.
However, it is obvious this is a very limited space in which to examine certain questions in depth, especially those concerned with establishing the general party line and the lines for different sectors. This will not be possible, as I argued earlier,without a body that formulates proposals and is capable of giving millions of people a single will;181 that is to say, a body that unies and coordinates the various emancipatory practices around goals common to all actors. While it should be concerned with class problems, its concern must also extend to ethno-cultural, race, gender, class, sex, and environmental problems. She believes that the social experiments being carried out in Latin America today hold out hope that an alternative to capitalism is possible; they are essentially socialist, democratic projects in which the people are the driving force. This greatly overestimates the potential of social movements.
Direct knowledge and indirect knowledge312 This problem invites us to look at the difference between the direct knowledge and the indirect knowledge that a social actor may possess. This was because the apparatus made the discovery, as old as the bourgeois world, that it could allow itself the luxury of letting members discuss things freely in their cells, with no exceptions nor sanctions, because this would have no results whatsoever. One way to do so is by encouraging the creation or use of bodies that are not internal party structures. About this book What future is there for the Left, faced with the challenges of the twenty-rst century? But, historically it is the Right, and not the Left, that has closed off this road. For this reason, those who are in the minority at a given time have not only the right but the duty to stick to their positions and ght to convert as many other members as possible to their positions through internal debate. A culture that leaves everything that divides us on the back burner and puts everything that unites us first. Rationalisation and modernisation without lay-offs514 This is, undoubtedly, a complex problem that cannot be solved with good intentions alone.