Central Asia has become the battleground for the major struggles of the 21st century: radical Islam versus secularism, authoritarianism versus identity politics, Eastern versus Western control of resources, and the American 'War on Terror'. The logic of the domestic consolidation approach is that a regime will pursue the policy it initiated as long as it considers this policy to be in its own interests and is able to pursue it. The Leninabadis supported the People's Front but without participating in the fighting. The Domestic Consolidation Approach This perspective analyses foreign policy as following from a regime's efforts to strengthen its hold on power. Government-to-government contacts were now established with the new Afghan leadership. The E-mail message field is required.
Rumsfeld confirmed that Tajikistan would provide assistance with regard to 'overflights, intelligence gathering and various types of military-to-military cooperation'. The Protocol on 11ilitary Issues aimed to integrate the many armed forces into a unified military and to promote decommissioning and demobilization. The results of excavations have shown that thousands of well-organized towns and large settlements of ancient Bactria existed on the lands stretching from Kabodiyon and Terrnez to Balkh and Herat, Merv and Nisa. International investors therefore had to be found in order to complete them. The situation in early autumn 2001 seemed to be at a political dead end, and it seemed as if Afghanistan would constitute a black hole for its neighbours for many years to come. The developments in Afghanistan had constituted a major source of threats to Tajikistan's national security after independence.
First, there were substantial mental obstacles in the mutual perceptions of the two countries. The Russian regions with the largest economic exchange with Tajikistan were Moscow and Sverdlovsk. The course of events after 11 September created a completely new situation for Tajikistan, which without doubt brought new opportunities if only the Tajik government would make use of them. Gafurov, who was the first scholar to publish a history of the Tajik nation, in 1964-65. Weakened by the five-year-Iong civil war, the Tajik leadership'S capacity to influence its international environment during the 1990s was minimal.
However, from this time Russia's policy towards Central Asia was activated, and it was now directed in particular towards the energy assets of Tajikistan, Kyrgyzstan and Uzbekistan, which had hitherto been in the shadow of the large oil and gas producers of Kazakhstan and Turkmenistan. Many scholars have pointed to how often a 'strong' state experiences problems in achieving its objectives when it attempts to influence the behaviour of 'weak' states. In the new situation immediately after Massoud's death, Russia and Tajikistan increased their preparations to secure a successor to lead the Northern Alliance. Prior to that, she had been a postdoctoral researcher at the Chair for the Study of Religious Pluralism and the Center for International Studies at the Université de Montréal. China also had a clear interest in in Tajikistan's energy sector. It is also a major transit hub for the smuggling of opium, which eventually ends up in the hands of heroin dealers in Western cities. This was the last in a chain of political murders and kidnappings that had dominated life in Tajikistan for many years.
The situation in Bactria-Sogdiana remained far from settled, however. In Tsarist Russia and in the Soviet Union national groups were classified first and foremost with the help of ethno-linguistic criteria. Different nations lay claim to it, but Tajik historians identify the territory referred to in it as Bactria, Sogdiana and Khorezm. People already living in the Vakhsh Valley considered that the newcomers were given preferential treatment and superior agricultural land. Tajikistan, for which the threat from the Taliban regime was the most important issue, had quite naturally viewed Pakistan with suspicion. Towards an Independent Foreign Policy? In most cases the choice has been made not to publish their names. Tajikistan supported Russia's initiatives for closer bilateral and multilateral security cooperation in the Central Asian region.
In December 2002 the commander of Kunduz in north-east Afghanistan visited Tajikistan and the parties agreed that Tajikistan would not only to provide electricity to Kunduz but also reduce its tariffs on Afghan goods such as cotton and dried fruit in transit across Tajikistan. Thus, exports to Russia increased during 1999 and 2000 but fell back during 2001, and continued to fall during the following years. From Tajikistan it continues into Uzbekistan to end up in the Aral Sea as the Amudarya. General Fahim moved quickly to create a political-military fait accompli and appointed his people to all senior posts, thereby excluding Pushtuns and Hazaras. The destiny of Tajikistan is intimately connected with that of Central Asia, and this thorough and penetrating book is essential reading for anyone seeking to make sense of this strategically vital region at a moment of transition.
But a study of Tajikistan is of interest for other reasons as well. This was demonstrated by the March 2005 revolution in Kyrgyzstan, which sent shivers down the spines of all the Central Asian presidents. Yet the Persian language and culture continued to dominate. The other river delimiting the region is the Syrdarya Jaxartes in Latin, and Sayhun in Arabic to the north. By 1997 Iran was regarded as an important foreign partner, although it was in no way comparable to Russia.
There had been rumours of Deripaska's interest in the aluminium sector in Tajikistan since spring 2004, when he accompanied Putin to Dushanbe. Since he was not sure what line Moscow would take, he stated that consultations with Russia would take place ftrst. Its remote, landlocked location and relatively limited resource base hindered economic development and it was consequently one of the poorest of the Soviet republics, heavily dependent on the central government for subsidies and development aid. This work examines the causes of the turmoil, and analyses, through the case of Tajikistan, social and political dynamics at work throughout Central Asia. India could be reached either by a northern circuit through Bactria or by a longer southern route. Uzbekistan was again approaching cooperation in the anti-Taliban coalition but wanted a say in how the coalition was led.